People’s Governor – Rossiyskaya Gazeta

He handed the region into the hands of the new governor, Tsivilev, in a state far removed from the depression of the mid-1990s, when economic chaos reigned in the ruins of a highly developed Soviet industrial region. Ghost cities, bankrupt mines, drug addiction and banditry, miserable salaries and simply starving doctors and teachers, casinos and markets in cinemas, absolutely emergency infrastructure: let my compatriots say that the colors are intensifying. Kuzbass residents began to envy life in the neighboring regions of Siberia, not to mention the federal center. Someone needed to take responsibility for the region and restore order there. People expected changes, hoping, if not for the best, then at least the return of the former Soviet bases. They survived as best they could, hated and laughed at those appointed in Moscow and held rallies. We expect.

Today, few people remember, but in Kuzbass, the democratic government of Yeltsin banned direct gubernatorial elections. They were afraid of communist revenge. They even tried to remove the people’s favorite from Kuzbass, they found him the position of federal minister for cooperation with the CIS countries, but Tuleyev did not work in this department for long. In 1997, Kuzbass, who had participated in demonstrations, forced Yeltsin to return Tuleyev to the region. At that time, he was not elected head of the administration of the Kemerovo region, but he was appointed, but in the region this appointment was perceived as a victory. The charismatic people’s tribune, eloquent orator, appointed Tuleyev, entered as a representative of the people into the building of the regional administration on Soviet Square and almost immediately convincingly confirmed his new status. In the first gubernatorial election in 1997, he won 95%, without pressure, manipulation or administrative resources. It was a true carte blanche to govern the region and the federal center had to accept it.

The voters’ confidence still had to be justified and Tuleyev, unlike many of his colleagues, was successful. Dozens of leaders were replaced in neighboring regions, and he continued to build and build his industrial and social state. Economic and political attitudes, markets and industrial clans changed, but trust in Tuleyev remained unusually high. In the 2001 gubernatorial elections he obtained almost 94% of the votes, in 2015, 97%. Voter trust has become an important mechanism for maintaining social stability in Kuzbass, which was also highly appreciated in Moscow.

Tuleyev came to help the common man, and he did it. Manually, contrary to economic theories, using populist methods, in a non-systematic way. But he helped, unlike many of his colleagues. So what is the secret to success? Maybe in this manual control? In populism? The ability to see the common man’s interest in the most complex economic phenomena? And was it possible to restore stability and economic growth to the region by other methods? These are not at all empty questions for the industrial region, which is seeking new guidelines for its development.

In 1997, the Kuznetsk basin produced 94 million tons of coal, 2 times less than under the USSR, 43 mines were closed and 150 thousand were unemployed. Agriculture, the defense industry and the chemical industry were dying. The teachers left, the hospitals collapsed. If it came to war, the only thing left to do was surrender. Everyone except Tuleyev.

With some kind of revolutionary passion, armed with an unprecedented qualification, he rushed to restore order according to a plan he understood, and did a person who, by his own admission, had a great distrust of plans even have a plan? and programs? He saw a gap in the defense of his city and ran with a handful of comrades towards the wall; I noticed another gap and ran to a new place. At times it seemed that all the city walls were nothing but holes and there was a catastrophic lack of materials for repairs. But despite the lack of resources, Tuleyev managed to achieve results.

Economic and political attitudes, markets and industrial clans changed, but trust in Aman Tuleyev remained atypically high.

Immediately after his appointment, Tuleyev actively participated in discussions on restructuring the coal industry, sought compensation for miners and single-industry mining towns, persuaded union leaders and teams to end strikes and mine owners to increase social benefits. Already in 1999, Tuleyev achieved the transfer of part of the management functions of the coal industry to the regional level. Companies were offered clear and long-term rules for working in Kuzbass: in exchange for protecting the interests of Kuzbass companies at the federal level, eliminating bottlenecks in transport infrastructure and tax exemptions, entrepreneurs were asked to invest in regional social programs, develop social infrastructure of single-industry cities and support regional charitable programs.

Not immediately, but Tuleyev learned to negotiate with big companies; Federal companies such as EVRAZ, RUSAL, Mechel, SUEK, SIBUR, UMMC and others arrived in Kuzbass. These companies had extensive experience in organizing production, knowledge of international markets and investment resources. The region formalized agreements with them in the form of “social obligations” – socio-economic cooperation agreements with the administration. The agreements established the areas of responsibility and obligations of the entrepreneurs in relation to their teams and locations, as well as the preferences for these companies in the region.

Tuleyev personally supervised the strict fulfillment of social obligations and successfully resolved conflicts that arose. Wages at companies began to rise: in the first 10 years of his tenure as governor alone, wages in the coal industry increased 3-4 times. The funds allocated by the companies were used for labor protection, urban development, the purchase of medical equipment, transportation for schools and much more. People felt the changes and, of course, associated them with Tuleyev.

The governor maintained this connection as best he could. Even during working visits to companies, Tuleyev demanded that the director be given the opportunity to resolve any urgent employee problems on the spot. Of course, these were one-time actions, but behind them was the most developed system of benefits and social support in Russia.

Almost all segments of the population could count on benefits: young professionals, families, veterans, retirees, disabled people, children, small businesses… Where else were preferential mortgage loans at 3-5% per annum available? Where were such benefits for housing and communal services, public transport and medicines preserved? This system seemed unreasonable, incompatible with economic theory and was even criticized by the heads of neighboring regions. But he also supported the faith of the people of Kuzbass in their governor and in a better future for themselves and their children.

The investments of large companies, of course, were not only intended to support social programs. There was a large-scale renewal of fixed assets, labor productivity and competitiveness in foreign markets increased. Coal production has surpassed Soviet levels and is at record levels of 242 million tons; 85 new high-performance coal mining and processing companies have been built. The economy, like the social sphere, has essentially found a second wind. As Tuleyev himself proudly said in an interview, after 20 years we built the second Kuzbass.

In this new Kuzbass a diverse economy emerged and social life became more complex. Tuleyev was no longer always able to keep all processes under personal control. This reminds you of miscalculations in personnel policy and the infamous “Winter Cherry”. Kuzbass has changed and so has the governor.

Of course, the region’s permanent leader wanted to choose his own successor. But Sergei Tsivilev arrived, whose biography was not previously connected with Kuzbass. It seemed to many, and probably to Tuleyev himself, that it would not be easy for the “Varangians” to understand the intricacies of Kuzbass’s policy; failures were expected in the economic and social sphere. But Sergei Tsivilev was able to very quickly integrate into local life, learn the lessons of the former governor and find his own effective solutions to continue the construction of the new Kuzbass. Like Tuleyev, Tsivilev took on the role of the coal industry’s main lobbyist, continued to implement large infrastructure projects, actively seeks investors and supports beneficiaries. This means that the continuity desired by Tuleyev continues to work for the benefit of his beloved Kuzbass.

Despite a serious illness, in recent years Aman Tuleyev continued to work in Kuzbass, preparing successors, but not for himself, but for the entire region, as rector of the Kuzbass Regional Institute for the Development of Professional Education. And he earned the best memory of himself, both from the country’s leaders and from ordinary residents of Kuzbass. May he rest in peace.